by Maurice Y. Michaud (he/him)
Emerging from the 34th Parliament with its best standing to date at 43 seats in the House of Commons, the New Democrats, along with the Progressive Conservatives, found themselves without official party status once the dust had settled from the 1993 general election. They regained it in 1997 and kept it after that, but their rebuilding didn't bring them anywhere near their glory days of 1988 to 1993: 21 seats in 1997; 13 in 2000; 19 in 2004; 29 in 2006, and 37 in 2008. But then, a peculiar alignment of circumstances occurred in 2011 and led to what was dubbed the Orange Crush, which resulted in the NDP becoming the Official Opposition in the Commons for the first time.
That "peculiar alignment of circumstances" was two-fold. First, the election had been necessitated because the incumbent Conservatives, unpopular among a large swath of the electorate and led by Stephen Harper, had been found in contempt of Parliament, although they wanted people to believe they had been brought down by a non-confidence vote over their budget. Second, the rehabilitation of the Liberals, who had lost power in 2006 due to a sponsorship scandal as well as the usual wear of power after 13 years in office, wasn't going well. Although Harper seemed cold, calculating and uncaring, the Conservatives had managed to brand the Liberal leader, Michael Ignatieff, as being "Just in it for himself" and an elitist who was out of touch with Canadians.
Against this backdrop, Jack Layton, who had been leading the NDP since 2003, started his fourth election campaign as he had his first three: by presenting himself as the happy warrior, and, some would say, cringeworthily declaring that he was "running to become Prime Minister of Canada." Except that, this time, after two Conservative minority governments over nearly five-and-a-half years, a near constitutional crisis in 2008 that brought Harper to prorogue Parliament, and a widespread sense that the national political discourse had turned negative, Layton's sunny disposition and passionate plea that he was the one who was "working for families" became appealing to some centrist voters.
But his appearance on the popular talk show Tout le monde en parle during the election campaign is today viewed as the moment when the Orange Crush began. As election day came closer, incredulous pollsters noticed that the NDP, which had never won more than one seat in Québec, was poised to win more seats there than the Bloc Québécois ever had. In turn, that led centrist voters elsewhere in Canada who disliked the Conservatives to take notice: if the Québécois were willing to ditch the Bloc, why shouldn't they, too, consider ditching the Liberals? However, in doing so, they fell into a trap of the first-past-the-post electoral system. Not all centrist voters were willing to abandon the Liberals, so if one lived in a riding where the NDP traditionally and consistently came in a distant third (or worse), all they would accomplish is to split the left-of-centre vote between the NDP and the Liberals, leading the Conservative candidate to become — indeed — the first past the post. In other words, precisely what they didn't want!
Winning 30.7% of the votes nationally, the NDP picked up 33.4% of the seats, or 103. The Liberals, with a meager 18.9% of the votes, got only 11% of the seats, or 34, not to mention that their leader, Ignatieff, was defeated. And the Conservatives, with only 39.6% of the vote, finally got their majority mandate: 53.9% of the seats, or 166. But it is also worth noting that the participation rate was such that Nobody was the figurative winner in 79.6% of the ridings, or 245.
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41 → 2011 :: 2 May 2011 — 18 Oct 2015 — Majority CPC
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How many CPC candidates thus managed to come on top because of this vote splitting? Did it happen often enough to give their party the majority they coveted, which, at the time, was 155 seats? Or was the Liberal-NDP vote splitting negligible, as those who don't think that there is such a thing as strategic voting want you to think?
To find the answer, let's:
Thus we could conclude that there would be 15 differences.
Riding, Eligible, Votes & Participation | Benefitting Party | Spoiler Party | Spoiled Party | |||||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1. |
CPC Joyce Bateman
17,982 !!! |
E:
V:
R:
P: |
58,075
39,939
154
69.04% |
CPC | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
36.26%
38.82%
+2.56%
+722 |
→
|
15,506
|
NDP | 2008
2011
Diff |
14.12%
–19.89%
-5.77% |
→
→ |
7,945
–2,304
5,641 |
LIB | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
42.27%
37.02%
-5.25%
+1,582 |
→
|
14,784
+2,304
17,088 |
2. |
CPC Robert R. Goguen
26,223 !!! |
E:
V:
R:
P: |
75,298
48,724
351
65.17% |
CPC | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
33.23%
35.73%
+2.50%
+2,161 |
→
|
17,408
|
NDP | 2008
2011
Diff |
16.26%
–28.84%
-12.58% |
→
→ |
14,053
–6,129
7,924 |
LIB | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
39.13%
31.29%
-7.84%
+3,968 |
→
|
15,247
+6,129
21,376 |
3. |
CPC Peter Penashue
9,561 !!! |
E:
V:
R:
P: |
20,305
10,692
52
52.91% |
CPC | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
7.97%
39.81%
+31.84%
+79 |
→
|
4,256
|
NDP | 2008
2011
Diff |
17.85%
–19.83%
-1.98% |
→
→ |
2,120
–212
1,908 |
LIB | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
70.28%
39.07%
-31.21%
+133 |
→
|
4,177
+212
4,389 |
4. |
CPC Baljit S. Gosal
50,501 !!! |
E:
V:
R:
P: |
108,751
57,796
454
53.56% |
CPC | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
37.13%
34.44%
-2.69%
+539 |
→
|
19,907
|
NDP | 2008
2011
Diff |
12.03%
–33.51%
-21.48% |
→
→ |
19,368
–12,415
6,953 |
LIB | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
45.06%
28.38%
-16.68%
+8,910 |
→
|
16,402
+12,415
28,817 |
5. |
CPC Joe Daniel
30,260 !!! |
E:
V:
R:
P: |
69,690
39,212
218
56.58% |
CPC | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
31.00%
36.78%
+5.78%
+870 |
→
|
14,422
|
NDP | 2008
2011
Diff |
13.33%
–25.19%
-11.86% |
→
→ |
9,878
–4,651
5,227 |
LIB | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
48.08%
34.56%
-13.52%
+3,781 |
→
|
13,552
+4,651
18,203 |
6. |
CPC John Carmichael
28,449 !!! |
E:
V:
R:
P: |
82,107
53,482
176
65.35% |
CPC | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
38.83%
42.93%
+4.10%
+611 |
→
|
22,962
|
NDP | 2008
2011
Diff |
10.19%
–11.74%
-1.55% |
→
→ |
6,280
–829
5,451 |
LIB | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
44.36%
41.79%
-2.57%
+218 |
→
|
22,351
+829
23,180 |
7. |
CPC Ted J. Opitz
28,971 !!! |
E:
V:
R:
P: |
81,765
52,523
271
64.57% |
CPC | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
37.51%
41.21%
+3.70%
+26 |
→
|
21,644
|
NDP | 2008
2011
Diff |
8.29%
–14.73%
-6.44% |
→
→ |
7,735
–3,382
4,353 |
LIB | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
48.85%
41.16%
-7.69%
+3,356 |
→
|
21,618
+3,382
25,000 |
8. |
CPC Bernard Trottier
32,425 !!! |
E:
V:
R:
P: |
87,188
54,520
243
62.81% |
CPC | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
34.87%
40.35%
+5.48%
+2,869 |
→
|
21,997
|
NDP | 2008
2011
Diff |
11.66%
–20.26%
-8.60% |
→
→ |
11,046
–4,689
6,357 |
LIB | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
46.13%
35.08%
-11.05%
+1,820 |
→
|
19,128
+4,689
23,817 |
9. |
CPC Susan Truppe
35,574 !!! |
E:
V:
R:
P: |
88,478
52,673
231
59.79% |
CPC | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
32.97%
36.96%
+3.99%
+1,665 |
→
|
19,468
|
NDP | 2008
2011
Diff |
17.47%
–24.67%
-7.20% |
→
→ |
12,996
–3,792
9,204 |
LIB | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
39.13%
33.80%
-5.33%
+2,127 |
→
|
17,803
+3,792
21,595 |
10. |
CPC Wladyslaw Lizon
37,704 !!! |
E:
V:
R:
P: |
85,018
47,025
289
55.65% |
CPC | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
32.56%
39.97%
+7.41%
+676 |
→
|
18,796
|
NDP | 2008
2011
Diff |
11.36%
–18.79%
-7.43% |
→
→ |
8,836
–3,494
5,342 |
LIB | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
50.16%
38.53%
-11.63%
+2,818 |
→
|
18,120
+3,494
21,614 |
11. |
CPC Jay Aspin
28,258 !!! |
E:
V:
R:
P: |
70,754
42,271
225
60.06% |
CPC | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
32.34%
36.66%
+4.32%
+18 |
→
|
15,495
|
NDP | 2008
2011
Diff |
15.85%
–20.77%
-4.92% |
→
→ |
8,781
–2,080
6,701 |
LIB | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
44.56%
36.61%
-7.95%
+2,062 |
→
|
15,477
+2,080
17,557 |
12. |
30,429 !!! |
E:
V:
R:
P: |
78,501
47,916
156
61.24% |
CPC | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
32.45%
40.11%
+7.66%
+1,207 |
→
|
19,220
|
NDP | 2008
2011
Diff |
10.59%
–18.64%
-8.05% |
→
→ |
8,932
–3,857
5,075 |
LIB | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
49.69%
37.59%
-12.10%
+2,650 |
→
|
18,013
+3,857
21,870 |
13. |
CPC Roxanne James
32,090 !!! |
E:
V:
R:
P: |
70,274
37,967
217
54.34% |
CPC | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
30.11%
35.55%
+5.44%
+1,470 |
→
|
13,498
|
NDP | 2008
2011
Diff |
15.75%
–30.14%
-14.39% |
→
→ |
11,443
–5,463
5,980 |
LIB | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
48.68%
31.68%
-17.00%
+3,993 |
→
|
12,028
+5,463
17,491 |
14. |
40,030 !!! |
E:
V:
R:
P: |
93,584
53,259
295
57.23% |
CPC | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
32.46%
41.7%
+9.24%
+932 |
→
|
22,207
|
NDP | 2008
2011
Diff |
10.21%
–18.36%
-8.15% |
→
→ |
9,777
–4,341
5,436 |
LIB | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
48.67%
39.95%
-8.72%
+3,409 |
→
|
21,275
+4,341
25,616 |
15. |
CPC Ryan Leef
8,217 !!! |
E:
V:
R:
P: |
24,341
16,057
67
66.24% |
CPC | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
32.66%
33.77%
+1.11%
+132 |
→
|
5,422
|
GRN | 2008
2011
Diff |
12.83%
–18.91%
-6.08% |
→
→ |
3,037
–976
2,061 |
LIB | 2008
2011
Diff
Plur |
45.8%
32.95%
-12.85%
+844 |
→
|
5,290
+976
6,266 |
A shift of 58,615 votes in 15 ridings nationwide — 57,638 from the Liberals to the NDP and 976 from the Liberals to the Greens in the Yukon — gave the Conservatives their majority. That was on a total of 14,723,980 votes cast (not counting the rejected votes), or only 0.40%.
Picking up two new seats in Atlantic Canada and sweeping up 59 of the 75 seats in Québec, the Orange Crush ebbed upon hitting Ontario, where it picked up only five new seats but caused 10 seats to go to the Conservatives, and disappeared in the West, grabbing only one new seat on its way through. Many were those east of Manitoba who switched from the Liberals to the NDP, but not nearly enough to win new seats yet certainly enough to seriously wound the Liberals in the process. Moreover, had those who normally vote Liberal remained in that camp, the Conservatives would have won their third consecutive minority government, four seats shy of a majority.
Not understanding the need to vote strategically in the first-past-the-post system, many got... precisely what they didn't want!