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Who really ate the NDP’s lunch in 2025?

by Maurice Y. Michaud (he/him)

Alternative scenariosLet’s not be coy about it. Following its spectacular rise to official opposition status in 2011, it’s been downhill ever since for the NDP. As for the Green Party during that same time period, it is true that it finally entered Parliament in 2011; however, its progress has been slow. Internal fighting and the defection of Jenica Atwin to the Liberals prior to the 2021 election have put a damper on any significant advancement. For its part, the Bloc Québécois only began recovering in 2019 from its 2011 near-elimination by the NDP. However, by 2025, it had not returned to its pre-2011 stature, when it used to hold the most seats in Québec.

By Christmas 2024, with Parliament paralyzed and only months before a general election was to be called, polls indicated that the Conservatives were heading to forming a massive majority government. Some of those polls also pointed to the possibility of the Bloc becoming the official opposition for a second time, and the NDP winning a few more seats than the incumbent Liberals. Such was the fatigue of the electorate with Justin Trudeau. But the re-election of Mister Tariff Donald Trump to the presidency of the United States and the resignation of Trudeau in the early days of 2025 changed everything. The Liberals pulled the carpet from under the feet of the Conservatives, and the smaller opposition parties got squeezed out in the most binary general election in Canadian history since 1958.

The situation of the small parties

The NDP’s situation
In 2015, with many Canadians fed up with a decade of those new Conservatives in power, they first took a look at the party claiming to be the government in waiting. Some polls at the start of the election campaign even suggested the country might be on the verge of electing its first NDP government, albeit a weak minority one. But those who ever doubted the impact an election campaign could have no longer have any doubts after 2015.

Indeed, NDP leader Thomas Mulcair was outflanked on his left by Liberal leader Justin Trudeau. Convinced that his party should not be perceived as wasteful, Mulcair repositioned it toward the centre on economic issues, while Trudeau asserted that he wasn’t afraid of a budget deficit if it meant giving Canadians a boost. But above all, in its categorical desire to oust the Conservatives from power, the electorate turned to a familiar entity — the Liberal Party — rather than one that had never held the reins of power federally. From 103 seats following the 2011 general election, the NDP found itself as the second opposition group with only 44 seats, which led to Mulcair being shown the door as leader.

The party chose Jagmeet Singh as its leader, the first visible minority person to lead a major federal party, as well as the first of the Sikh faith. The four core focuses of his leaderhip campaign were inequality, climate change, reconciliation with indigenous peoples, and electoral reform. He also supported decriminalizing personal possession of all narcotics and instead promoting harm reduction for users.

Whether it was because of these positions or his knack for proposing ideas that encroached on provincial jurisdictions (or a combination of both), Singh brought his party further down than Mulcair.

  • In 2019, the NDP went down to third opposition group, with 24 seats and just shy of 16% of the popular vote.
  • In 2021, the party remained third opposition with one more seat and 17.7% of the popular vote, and participated from March 2022 to September 2024 in a confidence and supply agreement with the Liberal minority government.
Either because of this agreement or the way Singh ended it, combined with the existential threat posed by the re-election of Donald Trump as president of the United States, the NDP exited the 2025 general election with only 6.3% of the popular vote, 7 seats, and no official party status. Failing to win his own seat, Singh resigned on election night.

Although the 2025 general election was far from ordinary, the NDP knew the scenario all too well.

  • Holding the balance of power in 1972 with 31 seats, it had entered into such an agreement with the Liberal minority government of the time. After the 1974 general election, it found itself with only 16 seats against a Liberal majority government.
  • Due to disgust with the outgoing Progressive Conservative government in 1993, it saw its votes shift to the Liberal Party, and went from 43 to 9 seats, losing its official party status.
  • Facing a Liberal minority government in 2004 and a Conservative minority government in 2006, it was only one or two seats shy of holding the balance of power.
The disaster for the NDP in 2025 was that, even though the electoral system in Canada is such that the prime minister is not directly elected, voters were looking for one who would be capable to stand up to Donald Trump. And neither the Conservative Pierre Poilievre nor (especially?) Singh was seen as measuring up to the former head of the Bank of Canada AND the United Kingdom: the new Liberal prime minister, Mark Carney.

The Greens’ situation

The Bloc’s situation

The net effect of binary polarization in 2025
Soft NDP voters have long been known to shift to the Liberals when they sense a significant rise of the Conservatives. But while that definitely happened in 2025, the Conservatives were the net beneficiary in terms of seats, just like in 2011. In fact, the Conservatives tasted every other party’s lunch! As usual, the Liberals and Conservatives swapped some seats, but the latter were more successful by taking eight more from the former. So the way the Liberals strengthen their minority to only three seats shy of a majority was by eating more of the BQ’s lunch than the NPD’s, bringing Chantal Hébert’s to assert on election night that the Liberals owed their achievment in good part to Québec. In the end, the Liberals won 16 seats from oppositions other than the Conservatives, while the Conservatives got 12 from oppositions other the the Liberals.

Gains by Liberal Party of Canada ⇒ 26
10 9 7 0
AB – Calgary Confederation
BC – Kelowna
BC – South Surrey—White Rock
MB – Winnipeg West
NS – Cumberland—Colchester
NS – South Shore—St. Margarets
ON – Bay of Quinte
ON – Carleton
ON – Peterborough
SK – Desnethé—Missinippi—Churchill River
QC – Abitibi—Baie-James—Nunavik—Eeyou
QC – Beauport—Limoilou
QC – Rivière-des-Mille-Îles
QC – La Prairie—Atateken
QC – Longueuil—Saint-Hubert
QC – Mont-Saint-Bruno—L'Acadie
QC – Terrebonne
QC – Thérèse-De Blainville
QC – Trois-Rivières
BC – Burnaby Central
BC – Esquimalt—Saanich—Sooke
BC – New Westminster—Burnaby—Maillardville
BC – Port Moody—Coquitlam
BC – Victoria
MB – Churchill—Keewatinook Aski
ON – Hamilton Centre
Gains by Conservative Party of Canada ⇒ 30
18 1 10 1
AB – Calgary Skyview
BC – Cloverdale—Langley City
ON – Kitchener South—Hespeler
BC – Richmond Centre—Marpole
NL – Terra Nova—The Peninsulas
NL – Long Range Mountains
ON – Aurora—Oak Ridges—Richmond Hill
ON – Brampton West
ON – Cambridge
ON – Hamilton East—Stoney Creek
ON – Markham—Unionville
ON – Newmarket—Aurora
ON – Niagara South
ON – Sudbury East—Manitoulin—Nickel Belt
ON – Richmond Hill South
ON – Vaughan—Woodbridge
ON – Windsor—Tecumseh—Lakeshore
ON – York Centre
QC – Montmorency—Charlevoix
AB – Edmonton Griesbach
BC – Cowichan—Malahat—Langford
BC – Nanaimo—Ladysmith
BC – North Island—Powell River
BC – Skeena—Bulkley Valley
BC – Similkameen—South Okanagan—West Kootenay
MB – Elmwood—Transcona
ON – London—Fanshawe
ON – Kapuskasing—Timmins—Mushkegowuk
ON – Windsor West
ON – Kitchener Centre
Gains by Bloc Québécois ⇒ 1
1 0 0 0
QC – Gaspésie—Les Îles-de-la-Madeleine—Listuguj

So, in terms of seats, the Conservatives ate the NDP’s lunch, while the Liberals feasted on the Bloc’s.

But in terms of votes, that was another story.



© 2005, 2026 :: PoliCan.ca (Maurice Y. Michaud)
Pub.: 22 Feb 2026 10:30 ET
Rev.: 26 Feb 2026 07:07 ET (but data presented dynamically)